A Look Into Brazil`s Foreign Policy

Since the beginning of Lula`s administration, Brazil`s foreign policy has been characterized as being more ideological than the domestic policy implemented by President Lula. Historically, the Itamaraty (Brazil`s Ministry of Foreign Affairs), has adopted the posture of non-ideological behavior independent of the position of the government. In other words, it has been the most independent government institution.

This independency changed with Lula`s administration. Diplomats, who sympathized with the ruling party (PT), were appointed at the high ranks of the Itamaraty. Based on Lula`s desire, the whole figure of Brazil`s foreign policy changed. Lula aimed to consolidate him as the new leader of the region, and place Brazil at the Security Council of the UN.

The sending of soldiers to the UN mission in Haiti, aimed directly at acquiring support for the quest of being a member of the Security Council. Unfortunately, the mission was not considered as successful as it was expected to be, and Lula`s foreign action was overshadowed by domestic political scandals. During that period, Brazil abstained from participating more actively in the continental scenario.

The active participation of Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez in the continental arena placed him in the position of “leader” of the continent. Brazil`s virtual leadership remained active due to the size of its economy and territory.

Domestically the foreign policy is being criticized. The country lost important opportunities to re-position itself in a leadership position. The conflict between Uruguay and Argentina regarding the paper mill factory, needed Brazil`s full participation. Both countries asked Brazil to mediate the conflict, and since the country refused, the issue had to be discussed in The Hague, even though it was a Mercosul issue.

In Bolivia, Brazil suffered a serious financial and moral defeat. The imposed sale of the refineries in Bolivia demonstrated that the ideological spectrum of the government is prejudicial to strategic issues. Lula and the Itamaraty were pressured by members of the PT party not to engage in conflict with the Bolivian government.

With Venezuela, the problem is similar. Lula, personally, does not like President Chávez. We affirm that based on direct conversations with the Brazilian President. He believes that Chávez used a momentum in which Lula was engaged domestically in dealing with political scandals, to replace him as the continental leader. Lula has also, in some occasions, through his former Chief of Cabinet and friend José Dirceu, talked with Chávez trying to convince him to take care of what he says and avoid attacking verbally his neighbors and the United States.

It is clear that Lula himself is not fond of Chávez and of the Venezuelan regime. Important members of the PT party are, and this is what causes Lula to support Chávez in certain quests, such as the Mercosul entry.

In the Itamaraty, Celso Amorim, the Brazilian Chancellor, is not an ideological man. He is more focused in dealing with commercial issues and negotiating with Europe and the United States regarding the subsidiary affairs. His number two in Itamaraty, Samuel Pinheiro is a very ideological man. As the General Secretary of the institution, Samuel promotes and demotes diplomats based on their ideological predisposition.

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